Barriers in the Sea

I find it strange that the media are discussing the idea of a customs barrier in the Irish Sea as though it was something new and completely unprecedented. Our partner in the 1707 Union, the Parliament of England, has operated a customs barrier in the North Sea and the North Atlantic for many years. I am referring to the customs barrier that separates Scotland from an area known as the United Kingdom Continental Shelf.

Every worker or piece of equipment that makes the journey from Scotland to an oilfield installation off our coast, crosses this customs barrier at the 12-mile-limit. Workers carry passports and equipment clears customs as it leaves (or enters) Scotland.

Our partner in union traded away the “expendable” fishing grounds but they are keen to retain control over the oilfields. Their misuse of the term ‘United Kingdom’ has become so routine that it is perceived as being an ancient usage. Yet it has only become fashionable in the past half-century. The name of the 1707 Union as a federal state was and is Great Britain. It is a state composed of two nations and the Duchy of Cornwall. Wales was incorporated into England by military conquest a long time ago.

England’s attempts to subdue and incorporate the entire island of Ireland (Lesser Britain to geographers) have proved to be a deferred success. These imperial adventures gave rise to the 1801 Union and the name of United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland. This was abbreviated to ‘Great Britain’ or ‘Britain’ until the 1970s. The 1801 Union was a fraud entered into by the ‘Parliament of England’ and a colonial ‘Parliament of Ireland’. The treaty is drafted so as to be in clear breach of the 1707 Union which constituted a single Parliament of Great Britain.

The 1707 Union Flag

If we are to proceed towards a meaningful and stable independence we will need to know who we are negotiating with. We will need to know who the competent parties to the negotiations are. We must try to set out our stall so as to make the terms and conditions that end the 1707 Union difficult for our former partner to wilfully ignore or imaginatively misrepresent.

If we stick to the two equal states model of the 1707 Union things will be complex enough. If we admit any little Englander fantasies such as the ‘Rest of the United Kingdom’ we could open the door to a Welsh solution. The Old English word ‘wales’ means ‘foreigner’. If Scotland shoulders an equitable and agreed proportion of the debts of Great Britain we would be taking a first shaky step towards a more dignified and adult future.

If Scotland takes on a fair share of Great Britain’s debts and liabilities we underline our moral and legal claim on the assets and equity of Great Britain. This seems to me to be essential if we truly aspire to take on the tricky business of recovering from the Darien Disaster. By claiming stewardship of the Parthenon Stones, The Malvinas, Gibraltar and Albania’s gold we would announce to the world that we are serious.

The European Union Flag in October 2019

It is to be hoped that the continuing state of England would see the wisdom in returning to us the Book of Deer, the Burghead Bull and the Cutty Sark. However that would be up to them. If they really wanted to make a pacific gesture there are Berwick and Cumberland to consider. They might offer to take the old nuclear submarines away from Rosyth; but I’m not holding my breath about that.

Another approach to our resumption of all the outward trappings of sovereignty would be to start at the top. If we revoked the 1603 Union of the Crowns the constitutional muddy water becomes much clearer. We could then lay claim to the Koh-i-Noor diamonds. The fake coronation stone would, of course, be returned to us under a treaty obligation from auld lang syne. If our former partner was being level-headed and well-intentioned they might also return the Bishop’s Chair that was stolen from Scone Palace. But I’m not holding my breath about that.

Re-constructing our Identity

We cannot with any certainty claim to be Europe's oldest nation. Yet we have as good a claim as the Welsh or the Irish. Perhaps the Basques or the Same were here first; it was a long time ago. We can take a collective pride in being one of the two European countries that have never indulged in pogroms aimed at the Hebrew community.

More recently we have tended to take an anti-Zionist stance. The Palestinian nation have struck a chord with us in their long exposure to the brutality of the Zio-nazis. It is regrettable that our current state of constitutional castration reduces our sympathy to the meaningless gesture level. Our meek acceptance of what has degenerated into colonial rule has silenced our voice in the wider world.

It is easy to moan about it; but more uplifting to consider what might be done to re-assert the value of what we have learned in our long history. Civilisation in Northern Europe has left some enduring monuments on the Orkney Islands. The building of the Brodgar/Stenness spiritual landscape was a prototype for the spiritual landscape that was subsequently created in the south-west of Great Britain. The Battle of Moytura records that: "The Artistic People (Tuatha de Danann) were in the northern islands ..."

The written records that have survived from auld lang syne have a distinctive style and they are firmly based on a tradition of highly educated poets. They are open to a variety of interpretations. If we are to gain confidence in our own abilities it is our own interpretations of the sources that are important.

The Kingdome of Scotland 1662, John Speed

© Crown Copyright 1982

In an Irish epic of uncertain date, the Hound of Cooley (Cú Chulainn) is sent as a young man to Scotland to learn the use of arms from a woman. The story very clearly identifies the exact castle in Scotland to which the hero eventually gains entry. There is hard factual information in these old tales, if you have the ability to tease it out.

Abbot Linton's literary masterpiece was the prototype for the American Declaration of Independence; we have come to call it The Declaration of Arbroath. You can see some of the good Abbot's flowery language as mere window-dressing. He was certainly not the only Celtic Holy-Willie to use flattery in addressing the Bishop of Rome. That this approach was effective stresses the banality and worldliness of God's self-appointed Number-One Bag Carrier.

The good Abbot's history of the Scots might seem like a nonsense tale. Yet it has a clear, hard-edged content. Abbot Linton associates our nation with a historical period before the creation of the Roman Church (294 CE). He clearly gives our christianity a direct link to St. Andrew that is independent of Roman distortions.

Can any of this ancient history help us to see a way to approach our current dilemmas with optimism? One alternative to fixing and overhauling our cultural inheritance could be to start again from scratch. That would invite internal division which would be ruthlessly exploited by the fearties. Leaving out the fearty desire to submit to "chains and slaverie!", you have to look at rebuilding the "auld sang" on the foundations of what went before.

We are looking to take our place in the North Atlantic and build the friendships and alliances that will enhance the peace and security of the region. We have clear cultural and historical ties with Ireland and Norway. We also share mutual interests with Iceland and Denmark.

To police our own long coastline we will need to generate the economic surplus to finance two flotillas of inshore submarines. One for the east coast and one for the west coast. This implies the need for training our navy in a challenging environment. The Norwegian Navy are the best in this inherently dangerous business. We would have to offer Norway something of substance to seal a deal. That it could lead to co-operation in maritime reconnaissance and deep-water boats would be to our mutual benefit.

Norway's influence and economic success were enhanced by their oilfield wealth. Yet they were a very poor colony of Sweden until 1905. Their current success is linked to Peer Gynt but also to a written constitution that has served them well. A translation of the Norwegian Constitution into Scots would be a worthy project for those with the skills.

The rest of us can consider updating and overhauling the Declaration of 1320. Which finally brings me to my point: it will soon be the 700th anniversary year for Abbot Linton's letter. How best to celebrate that written statement of our collective identity?

For my bawbee's worth I would humbly submit that a revised Declaration should preclude any outside employment by the Monarch. We should make it clear that in future we shall require the Monarch of Scots to accept their post as a full-time job and to relinquish all other employment.

Bibliography
Blamires, Steve; The Irish Celtic Magical Tradition; Harper Collins, London; 1992

References
Burns, Robert; Scots Wha Hae;
Seafield, the Earl of;